IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


fe 


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1.0    £fKi  Ki 

^^5     itt  122   i2.2 


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.  ScMices 
Carporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRIET 

WIKTIR,N.Y.  14S80 

(716)  •72-4S03 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVi/iCIVIH 
Collection  de 
mi 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiquas 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notaa/Notaa  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tha  Inatituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographieally  uniqua. 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  aignificantly  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chaelcad  balow. 


□   Colourad  covara/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


r~|   Covara  damagad/ 


D 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Couvartura  andommag4a 


Covara  raatorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataurAa  at/ou  pallicuMa 


r~l   Covar  titia  miaaing/ 


La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 


rn   Colourad  mapa/ 


Cartaa  gAographiquaa  an  coulaur 


□   Colourad  ink  (i.a.  othar  than  blua  or  black)/ 
Enera  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  blaua  ou  noira) 

|~~|   Colourad  plataa  and/or  illuatrationa/ 


Planchaa  at/ou  illuatrationa  1%  coulaur 


Bound  with  othar  matarial/ 
Rail*  avac  d'autraa  documanta 


Tight  binr  '.tg  may  cauaa  ahadowa  or  diatortion 
along  iR'k«.ior  margin/ 

Laraliura  aarria  paut  cauaar  da  I'ombra  ou  da  la 
diatorakHi  la  long  da  la  marga  intiriaura 

Blank  laavaa  addad  during  raatoration  may 
appaar  within  tha  taxt.  Whanavar  poaaibia,  thaaa 
hava  baan  omittad  from  filming/ 
II  aa  paut  qua  cartainaa  pagaa  blanchaa  aJoutAaa 
lora  d'una  raatauration  apparaiaaant  dana  la  taxta. 
mala,  loraqua  cala  4tait  poaaibia,  caa  pagaa  n'ont 
paa  «t«  film«aa. 

Additional  commanta:/ 
Commantairas  supplimantairaa; 


L'Inatitut  a  microfilm*  la  maillaur  axamplaira 
qu1l  lui  a  it*  poaaibia  da  aa  procurer.  Laa  d*taila 
da  cat  axamplaira  qui  aont  paut-Atra  uniquaa  du 
point  da  vua  bibliographiqua,  qui  pauvant  modifier 
una  image  raproduita.  ou  qui  pauvent  axiger  una 
modification  dana  la  mithode  normale  de  fiimage 
aont  indiquAa  ci-deaaoua. 


D 
D 
D 
0 
D 


D 
D 
D 

n 


Colourad  pagaa/ 
Pagaa  da  coulaur 

Pagaa  damaged/ 
Pagaa  andommagiaa 

Pagea  raatorad  and/or  laminated/ 
Pagaa  raatauriaa  at/ou  pelliculAea 

Pagaa  diacoiourad,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pagaa  dicoioriaa,  tachatiea  ou  piquias 

Pagaa  detached/ 
Pagea  ditachias 

Shovk  through/ 
Tranaparanee 

Quality  of  print  variaa/ 
Qualit*  inigala  de  I'impreasion 

Includaa  auppiementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  matAriai  supplimentaira 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Mition  diaponlbla 

Pagea  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc..  hava  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Lea  pagaa  totalement  ou  partiallement 
obscurcies  par  un  fauillet  d'errata.  una  pelure, 
etc..  ont  Ati  fiimiea  A  nouveau  de  fapon  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ca  document  est  filmi  au  taux  da  reduction  indiquA  ei*daaaoua. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

y 

12X 

lex 

aox 

24X 

28X 

32X 

I 

ktails 
I  du 
lodifiar 
r  una 
Image 


Th«  copy  filmed  her*  hat  been  reproduced  thanka 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Stminary  of  QimImc 
Library 

The  images  appearing  here  are  the  beat  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifieationa. 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covera  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  end  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  ere  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  imprea- 
sion,  and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


L'exempiaire  film4  fut  repruduit  grice  i  la 
ginirosit*  de: 

Mininairt  69  QuMmc 
BiMiothAqut 

Les  imagea  suivantes  ont  4ti  reproduites  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin.  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  netteti  de  rexemplaire  film4.  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
fllmage. 

Les  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
pepier  eat  ImprimAe  sont  filmto  en  commen^ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreeaion  ou  dlllustration.  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Toua  lee  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  aont  filmAs  en  commen9ant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreeaion  ou  dlllustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  •^^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  ▼  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  dee  symboles  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
dernlAre  Image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
caa:  le  symbols  -«»  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  ▼  signifie  "FIN". 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  ere  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  end  top  to  bottom,  aa  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartea.  planches,  tableeux.  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  i  des  taux  de  rAduetion  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  ciichA,  il  est  filmA  k  portir 
de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  h  droite, 
et  de  heut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'imeges  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


rrata 
o 


leiure, 


3 

32X 


1  2  3 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

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MR.  BENTON^  LETTER  % 


KAJ.  GEN.  DAVIS,  OF  THE  STAT&<di^SygS 


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DECLININQ 
THE  NOMINATION  OF  THE  CONVENTION  OF  THAT  STATE; 


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DKF ENDI 


THE  NOMINATION  OF  MR.  VAN  B 


AND    BBCOMMKNDINO 


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hXrmony,  concert,  and  union. 


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TO    TBI 


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DEMOCRATIC  PARTY  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


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CITY  OF  WASHINGTON: 
PRINTED  BY  BLAIR  8c  RIVEa 

183  5. 


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Wamihwtov  Civt,  January  lit,  1835. 
DiiB  Bib, — We  have  learned  that  you  have  declined  permitting  your  AanM 
to  be  uaed,  aa  a  candidate  for  the  Vice  Presidency  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  you  have  bddresied  a  letter  to  that  efTect,  some  time  aince^  to  the  Conunit* 
the  of  the  State  Convention  of  Mianaaippi,  by  whom  you  were  nominated  for 
that  high  office.  It  will  be  a  conaiderable  time  before  your  determination,  com* 
numcated  through  that  channel,  can  be  known  to  the  People  of  the  United 
States;  we  therefore  request  the  favor  of  a  copy  of  your  letter,  if  you  retuned 
on^  for  publication  at  this  place,  in  order  that  your  fnends  elsewhere,  as  well  aa 
ik  Miaaissippi,  may  have  an  early  opportuiu^  of  turning  their  attention  to  i 
other  suitable  person. 

Youn^mth  great  respect, 
/^  BOBT.  T.  LYTLB,  (of  Ohio^) 

*      t'  HENRY  HUBBARD,  (of  New  Hampshire,) 

^     i^\>vfi  .jfi      RATLIFF  BOON,  (of  Indiana,) 

H.  A.  MUHLENBERG,  (of  Pennaylvania.) 
Honorable  T>08.  H.  Bivroir. 


WAaHiHSToir  Crrr,  January  3d,  1835. 

Gnrruiuir,— I  herewith  aend  you  a  copy  of  myjletter,  declining  the  nonum^ 
tion  of  the  Missisrippi  State  Convention,  for  the  Vice  Preridency  of  the  U.  States. 
Fairness  towards  my  political  firiends  in  every  part  of  the  Union,  required  me  to 
let  them  know  at  once  what  my  detemunation  was;  and  thia  I  have  done  in  many 
private  letters,  and  in  all  the  conversations  which  I  have  held  on  the  subject 
The  nomination  in  Mississippi  was  the  first  one  which  came  from  a  S^e  Conven> 
tion,  and  therefore  the  first  one  which  seemed  to  me  to  justify  a  public  letter, 
and  to  present  the  question  in  such  a  form  as  would  save  me  from  the  ridicule  of 
decliidng  what  no  State  had  offered.  The  letter  to  Missisrippi  was  intended  for 
publication,  to  save  my  friends  any  further  trouble  on  my  account  It  was  ex* 
pected  to  reach,  in  ha  drcuit,  my  friends  in  every  quarten  and  as  you  suggest 
that  it  must  be  a  conriderable  time  before  it  could  return  from  the  State  of 
Misrissippi  through  the  newspapers^  and  that  in  the  meantime,  my  friends  else- 
where, nught  wish  earlier  information,  that  tiiey  might  turn  their  attention  to 
some  other  person,  I  cheerfully  comply  with  your  request,  and  funush  the  copy 
for  publication  here. 

Yours,  respectfully, 

.  THOMAS  H.  BENTON. 

Mesars.  R.  T.  Lttu,  H  Hvbbabs, 

B.  Boob,  and  H.  A.  MvaiuiBiBe. 


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MR.  BENTON'S  LETTER. 


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iAff.^ni  '.'^jif  '■•'K'Vf's'i- vi:'  r:>"'' 


Washington  Cxtt,  Dec.  16th,  1834.    *« 

Dear  Sir:  Your  kind  letter  of  the  8th  ultimo  has  been  duly 
received,  and  I  take  great  pleasure  in  returning  you  my  thanks  for 
the  friendship  you  have  shewn  me,  and  which  I  shall  be  happy  to 
acknowledge  by  acts,  rather  than  words,  whenever  an  opportunity 
shall  occur. 

The  recommendation  for  the  Vice  Presidency  of  the  United 
States,  which  the  Democratic  Convention  of  your  State  has  done  me 
the  honor  to  make,  is,  in  the  highest  degree,  flattering  and  honora- 
ble to  me,  and  commands  the  expression  of  my  deepest  gratitude; 
but,  justice  to  myself,  and  to  our  political  friends,  requires  me  to  say 
at  once,  and  with  the  candor,  and  decision,  which  rejects  all  dis- 
guise, and  palters  with  no  retraction,  that  I  cannot  consent  to  go 
upon  the  list  of  candidates  for  the  eminent  ofiice  for  which  I  have 
been  proposed. 

I  consider  the  ensuing  election  for  President,  and  Vice  President* 
as  one  among  the  most  important  that  ever  took  place  in  our  coun- 
try; ranking  with  that  of  1800,  when  the  democratic  principle  first 
triumphed  in  the  person  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  with  the  two  elections 
of  1828,  and  1832,  when  the  same  principle  again  triumphed  in  the 
person  of  General  Jackson;  and  I  should  look  upon  all  the  advanta- 
ges recovered  for  the  constitution,  trtid  the  people,  in  these  two  last 
triumphs,  as  lost,  and  gone,  unless  ih^  democracy  of  the  Union  shidl 
again  triumph  in  the  election  of  1836.  To  succeed  in  that  election, 
will  require  the  most  perfect  harmony,  and  union,  among  ourselves. 
To  secure  this  union  and  harmony,  we  must  have  as  few  aspirants 
for  the  offices  of  President,  <ind  Vice  President,  as  possible;  and,  to 
diminish  the  number  of  these  aspirants,  I,  for  one,  shall  refuse  to  go 
upon  the  list:  and  will  remain  in  the  ranks  of  the  voters,  ready  to 
support  the  cause  of  democracy,  by  supporting  the  election  of  the 
candidates  which  shall  be  selected  by  a  General  Convention  of  the 
democratic  party.    '>jj<  :^-:'.;^t.  sj^-hj..   -vi  ..;»;.^«^  ..■•>.!.».'■  ^v^-^v^ >■■■.,: 

But,  while  respectfully  declining,  for  myself,  the  highly  honorable 
and  flattering  recommendation  of  your  convention,  I  take  a  particu- 


V    ■ 


*-■.'  V 


■^i^"- 


lar  pleasure  in  expressing  the  gratification  which  I  feel,  at  seeing  the 
nomination  which  you  have  made  in  favor  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  I 
have  knowM  that  gentleman  long,  and  intimately.  We  entered  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  together,  thirteen  years  ago,  sat  six  year 
in  seats  next  to  each  other,  were  always  personally  friendly,  generally 
acted  together  on  leading  subjects,  and  always  interchanged  com- 
munications! and  reciprocated  confidence;  and  thus,  occupying  a 
position  to  give  me  an  opportunity  of  becoming  thoroughly  acquainted 
whith  his  principles,  and  character,  the  result  of  the  whole  has  been, 
that  I  have  long  since  considered  him,  and  so  indicated  him  to  my 
friends,  as  the  most  fit,  and  suitable  person  to  fill  the  presidentaL 
cluur  after  the  expiration  of  President  Jackson's  second  term.  In 
political  principles  he  is^thoroughly  democratic,  and  comes  as  near 
the  JefTersonian  standard  as  any  statesman  now  on  the  stage  of  pub^ 
lie  life.  In  abilities,  experience,  and  business  habits,  he  is  beyond  . 
the  reach  of  cavil,  or  dispute.  Personally  he  is  inattackable;  for  the 
whole  volume  of  his  private  life  contains  not  a  single  act  which 
requires  explanation,  or  defence.  In  constitutional  temperament  he 
is  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  station,  and  the  times;  for  no  human 
being  could  be  more  free  from  every  taint  of  envy,  malignity,  or 
revenge;  or,  could  possess,  in  a  more  eminent  degree,  that  happy 
conjunction  of  firmness  of  purpose,  with  suavity  of  manners,  which 
cofitiibutes  so  much  to  the  successful  administration  of  public  affairs, 
and  is  so  essential,  and  becoming,  in  a  high  public  functionary. 
The  State  from  which  he  comes,  and  of  which,  successive  elections  i 
for  two  and  twenty  years  prove  him  to  be  the  favorite  sen,  is  also 
to, be  taken  into  the  account  in  the  list  of  his  recommendations;  that 
grie^t,  State  which,  in  the  eventful  struggle  of  1800,  turned  the  < 
seizes  of  the  presidential  election  in  favor  of  Mr.  Jefferson, — which 
has  supported  every  democratic  administration  from  that  day  to  this; 
a  State  which  now  numbers  two  millions  of  inhabitants, — gives  forty- 
tw^  votes  in  the  presidential  election, — and  never  saw  one  of  her 
ovfn  sons  exalted  to  the  presidential  office. 

But  \yhat  has  he  done?    What  has  Mr.  Van  Buren  done,  that  he 
should  be  elected  President?    This  is  the  inquiry,  as  flippantly,  as. 
igi^orantly,  put  by  those  who  would  veil,  or  disparage  the  meritsof . 
this  gentleman;  when  it  would  be  much  more  regular  and  pertinent  i 
to.Ask»  what  has  sttcli  a  man  as  this  done,  that  he  should  not  be  made 
Pre8ident?-<-But,  to  answer  the  inquiry  as  put:  It  might,  perhi^fty> 


V^': 


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be  sufBcieut.  so  far  at  lear :  as  the  comparatiTe  merits  of  competitort"^ 
are  concerned,  to  point  to  his  course  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  during  the  eight  years  that  he  sat  in  that  body;  and  to  his  con-" 
duct  since  in  the  high  offices  to  which  he  has  been  called  by  hit 
native  State,  by  President  Jackson,  and  by  the  American  People. 
This  might  be  sufficient  between  Mr.  Van  Buren  and  others;  but  it 
would  not  be  sufficient  for  himself.  Justice  to  him  would  require 
the  answer  to  go  further  back, — to  the  war  of  1812, — when  he  wan 
a  member  of  the  New  York  Senate;  when  the  fate  of  Mr.  Madi- 
son's administration,  and  of  the  Union  itself,  depended  upon  the 
conduct  of  that  great  State,—- great  in  men  and  means,-— and  greater 
in  position,  a  frontier  to  New  England  and  to  Canada,— to  British 
arms  and  Hartford  Convention  treason; — and  when  that  conduct, 
to  the  dismay  of  every  patriot  bosom,  was  seen  to  hang,  for  nearly 
two  years,  in  the  doubtful  scales  of  suspense.  The  federalists  had 
the  majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives;  the  democracy  had  the 
Senate  and  the  Governor;  and  for  two  successive  sessions  no  measure 
could  be  adopted  in  support  of  the  war.  Every  aid  proposed  by 
the  Governor  and  Senate,  was  rejected  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. Every  State  paper  issued  by  one,  was  answered  by  the  other. 
Continual  disagreements  took  place;  innumerable  conferences  were 
had;  the  Hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives  was  the  scene  of 
contestation;  and  every  conference  was  a  public  exhibition  of  par- 
liamentary conflict, — a  public  trial  of  intellectual  digladiation,— in 
which  each  side,  represented  by  committees  of  its  ablest  men,  and 
in  the  presence  of  both  Houses,  and  of  assembled  multitudes,  exerted 
itself  to  the  utmost  to  justify  itself,  and  lo  put  the  other  in  the  wrong, 
to  operate  upon  public  opinion,  govern  the  impending  elections,  and 
acquire  the  ascendency  in  the  ensuing  legislature.  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
then  a  young  man,  had  just  entered  the  Senate  at  the  commence- 
ment of  this  extraordinary  struggle.  He  entered  it,  November, 
1812;  and  had  just  distinguished  himself  in  the  opposition  of  his 
county  te  the  renewal  of  the  first  national  Bank  charter, — ^in  the  sup- 
port of  Vice  President  Clinton  for  giving  the  casting  vote  against  it 
— and  in  his  noble  support  of  Governor]  Tompkins,  for  his  Roman 
energy  in  proroguing  the  General  Assembly,  (April,  1812,)  which 
eoiild  not  otherwise  be  prevented  from  receiving,  and  embodying, 
the  transmigratory  soul  of  that  defunct  institution,  and  giving  it  a 
new  existence,  in  a  new  place,  under  an  altered  name,  and  modified 

■^       ,  ■    -  ■  '  '  -      .^.;..  .m:,:  :     .  ,'.-,-■  ,  ;.  Vn■.• 


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form.  He  was  politically  born  out  of  this  conflict,  and  came  into 
the  legislature  against  the  Bank,  and  for  the  war.  He  was  the  man 
which  the  occasion  required;  the  ready  writer,— prompt  debater,— 
judicious  counsellor;  courteous  in  manners,— firm  in  purpose,— in- 
flexible in  principles.  He  contrived  the  measures,— brought  forward 
the  bills  and  reports,— delivered  the  speeches, — and  drew  the  State 
papers,  (especially  the  powerful  address  to  the  republican  voters  of 
the  State,)  which,  eventually,  vanquished  the  federal  party,  turned 
the  doubtful  scales,  and  gave  the  elections  of  April,  1814,  to  the 
friends  and  supporters  of  Madison  and  the  war;  an  event,  the  intel- 
ligence of  which  was  received  at  Washington  with  an  exultation 
only  inferior  to  that  with  which  was  received  the  news  of  the  victory 
of  New  Orleans.  The  new  Legislature,  now  democratic  in  both 
branches,  was  quickly  convened  by  Oovernor  Tompkins;  and  Mr. 
Van  Buren  had  the  honor  tu  bring  forward,  and  carry  through,  amidst 
the  applauses  of  patriots,  and  the  denunciation  of  the  anti-war  par- 
ty, the  most  energetic  war  measure  ever  adopted  in  our  America,^ 
the  classification  bill,  as  he  called  it,  the  conscription  bill,  as  they 
called  it.  By  this  bill,  the  provisions  of  which,  by  a  new  and  sum- 
mary process,  were  so  contrived  as  to  act  upon  property,  as  well  as 
upon  persons,  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  State  troops,  were  imme- 
diately to  be  raised;  to  serve  for  two  years,  and  to  be  placed  at  the 
disposition  of  the  General  Government.  The  peace  which  was 
signed  in  the  last  days  of  December,  1814,  rendered  this  great  mea- 
sure of  New  York  inoperative;  but  its  merit  was  acknowledged  by 
all  patriots  at  the  time;  the  principle  of  it  waH  adopted  by  Mr. 
Madison's  administration;  recommended  by  the  Secretary  at  War, 
Mr.  Monroe,  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  found  by 
that  body  too  energetic  to  be  passed.  To  complete  his  course  in 
support  of  the  war,  and  to  crown  his  meritorious  labors  to  bring  it  to 
a  happy  close,  it  became  Mr.  Van  Buren's  fortune  to  draw  up  the 
vote  of  thanks  of  the  greatest  State  in  the  Union,  to  the  greatest 
General  which  the  war  had  produced, — «  the  thanks  of  the  New  York 
legislature  to  Major  Genero/ Jackson,  hia  gallant  officers  and  troops^ 
for  their  wonderful,  and  heroic  victory,  in  defence  of  the  grand 
emporium  of  the  West."  Such  was  the  appropriate  conclusion  to 
his  patriotic  services  in  support  of  the  war:  services,  to  be  sure,  not 
rivalling  in  splendor  the  heroic  achievements  of  victorious  arms;  but 
services,  nevertheless,   both  honorable,   and  meritorious,  in  their 


:■(*. 


'*i^: 


•■!r- 


9 

place;  and  without  which  battles  cannot  be  fought,  victories  cannot 
be  won,  nor  countries  be  saved.  Martial  renown,  it  is  true,  he  did 
not  acquire,  nor  attempt;  but  the  want  of  that  fascination  to  his  name 
can  hardly  be  objected  to  him,  in  these  days,  when  the  political 
ascendency  of  military  chieftains  is  so  pathetically  deplored,  and 
when  the  entire  perils  of  the  republic  are  supposed  to  be  compressed 
into  the  single  danger  of  a  military  despotism. 

Such  is  the  answer,  in  brief,  and  in  part,  to  the  flippant  inquiry. 
What  han  he  done? 

The  vote  in  the  Senate,  for  the  tariff  of  1 828,  has  sometimes 
been  objected  to  Mr.  Van  Buren;  but  with  how  much  ignorance  of 
the  truth,  let  facts  attest. 

He  was  the  firat  eminent  member  of  Congress,  north  of  the  Poto- 
mac, to  open  the  war,  at  the  right  point,  upon  tliat  tariff'  of  1828, 
then  undergoing  the  process  of  incubation  through  the  instrumen- 
tality of  a  Convention  to  sit  at  Harrisburg.  His  speech  at  Albany, 
in  July,  1827,  openly  characterized  that  measure  as  a  political  ma- 
noeuvre to  influence  the  impending  presidential  election;  and  the 
graphic  expression,  "  a  measure  proceeding  more  from  the  closet 
of  the  POLITICIAN  than  from  the  workshop  o/*  Me  manufactureh,'* 
so  opportunely  and  felicitously  used  in  that  speech,  soon  be- 
came the  opinion  of  the  public,  and  subsei^uently  received  the 
impress  of  verification  from  the  abandonment,  and  the  manner  of 
abandoning,  of  the  whole  fabric  of  the  high  tariff'  policy.  Failing 
to  carry  any  body  into  the  Presidential  chair,  its  doom  pronounced 
by  the  election  of  Jackson  and  Van  Buren,"^  it  was  abandoned,  as  it 
had  been  created,  upon  a  political  calculation;  and  expired  under  a 
fiat  emanating,  not  from  the  workshop  of  the  manufacturer,  but  from 
the  closet  of  the  po/i/ictan.— True,  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  voted  for 
the  tariff'  of  1828,  notwithstanding  his  speech  of  1827;  but,  equally 
true,  that  he  voted  under  instructions  from  his  State  Legislature, 
and  in  obedience  to  the  great  democratic  principle  {demos,  the  people, 
krateo,  to  govern)  which  has  always  formed  a  distinguishing  feature, 
and  a  dividing  land- mark,  between  the  two  great  political  parties 
which,  under  whatsoever  name,  have  alwuys  existed,  and  still  exist, 
in  our  country. — Sitting  in  the  chair  next  to  him  at  the  time  of  that 
irote,  voting  as  he  did,  and  upon  the  same  principle;  interchanging 
opinions  without  reserve,  or  disguise,  it  comes  within  the  perception  of 
my  own  senses  to  know,  that  he  felt  great  repugnance  to  the  provisions 

*Over  the  high  tariff  champions,  Claj  and  Sergeant. 


*1 


*>- 


"^-,i%i, 


10f> 


«^? 


■i:  \ 


of  that  tariff  act  of  '28,  and  voted  for  it,  as  I  did,  in  obedience  to  a  ' 
principle  which  we  both  hold  sacred. 

No  public  man,  since  the  days  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  has  been  pursued  < 
with  more  bitterness  than  Mr.  Van  Buren;  none,  not  excepting  Mr. 
Jefferson  himself,  has  ever  had  to  withstand  the  combined  assaults  of 
80  many,  and  such  formidable  powers.  His  prominent  position,  in 
relation  to  the  next  Presidency,  has  drawn  upon  him  the  general 
attack  of  other  candidates, — themselves  as  well  as  their  friends;  for, 
in  these  days,  (how  different  from  former  times!)  candidates  for  the  ' 
Presidency  are  seen  to  take  the  field  for  themselves, — ^banging  away 
at  their  competitors, — sounding  the  notes  of  their  own  applause, — 
and  dealing  in  the  tricks,  and  cant,  of  veteran  cross-road,  or  ale- 
house, electioneerers.  His  old  opposition,  and  early  declaration 
(1826)  against  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  has  brought  upon  him 
the  pervading  vengeance  of  that  powerful  institution;  and  subjected 
him  to  the  vicarious  vituperation  of  subaltern  assailants,  inflamed  with 
a  wrath,  not  their  own,  in  whatsoever  spot  that  terrific  institution 
maintains  a  branch,  or  a  press,  retains  an  adherent,  or  holds  a  debt- 
or. (It  was  under  the  stimulus,  and  predictions  of  the  Bank  press, 
that  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  rejected  by  the  Senate  in  1832.)  Yet  in 
all  this  combination  of  powers  against  him,  and  in  all  these  unre- 
lenting attacks,  there  is  no,  specification  of  misconduct.  All  is 
vague,  general,  indefinite,  mysterious.  Mr.  Crawford,  the  most 
open,  direct,  and  palpable  of  public  men,  was  run  down  upon  the 
empty  cry  of  "giant  at  intrigueP^a.  second  edition  of  that  cry,  now 
stereotyped  for  harder  use,  is  expected  to  perform  the  same  service 
upon  Mr.  Van  Buren;  while  the  originators  and  repeaters  of  the  cry, 
in  both  instances,  have  found  it  equally  impossible  to  specify  a  case 
of  intrigue  in  the  life  of  one,  or  the  other,  of  these  gentlemen. 

Safety  fund  banks,  is  another  of  those  cries  raised  against  him; 
as  if  there  was  any  thing  in  the  system  of  those  banks  to  make  the 
banking  system  worse;  or,  as  if  the  money,  and  politics  of  these ' 
safety  fund  banks,  were  at  the  service  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  On  the 
contrary,  it  is  not  even  pretended  by  his  enemies  that  he  owns  a 
single  dollar  of  stock  in  any  one  of  these  banks!  and  I  have  been 
frequently  informed,  from  sources  entitled  to  my  confidence,  that 
he  does  not  own  a  dollar  of  interest  in  any  bank  in  the  world! 
that  he  has  wholly  abstained  from  becomming  the  owner  of  any 
bank  stock,  or  taking  an  interest  in  any  company,  incorporated  6y 


% 


ar-v. 


.-.;u»   -m 


'  ■'H^^'i    •,  i^r^ 


iM 


IV- 


■w 


the  Legislature,  since  he  first  became  a  member  of  that  body,  above 
two-and-twenty,  years  ago.  And  as  for  the  politics  of  the  safety 
fund  banks,  it  has  been  recently,  and  authentically  shown  that  a 
vast  majority  of  them  are  under  the  control  of  his  most  determined 
and  active  political  opponents. 

No  public  man  has  been  more  opposed  to  the  extension  of  the 
banking  system  than  Mr.  Van  Buren.  The  journals  of  the  New 
York  Legislature  show  that  the  many  years  during  which  he  was  a 
prominent  member  of  that  body,  he  exerted  himself  in  a  continued 
and  zealous  opposition  to  the  increase  of  banks;  and,  upon  his  eleva- 
ion  to  the  Chief  Magistracy  of  the  State,  finding  the  system  of  banks 
so  incorporated  with  the  business  and  interests  of  the  People,  as  to 
render  its  abolishment  impossible,  he  turned  his  attention  to  its  im- 
provement, and  to  the  establishment  of  such  guards  against  fraudu- 
lent, or  even  unfortunate  bankruptcy,  as  would,  under  all  circum- 
stances, protect  the  holders  of  notes  against  loss.  The  safety  fund 
system  was  the  result  of  views  of  this  kind;  and  if  its  complete  suc- 
cess hitherto  (for  no  bank  has  failed  under  it,)  and  the  continued  sup- 
port and  confidence  of  the  representatives  of  two  millions  of  people, 
are  not  sufficient  to  attest  its  efficacy,  there  is  one  consideration  at 
least,  which  should  operate  so  far  in  its  favor  as  to  save  it  from  the 
sneers  of  those  who  cannot  tell  what  the  safety  fund  system  is;  and 
that  is,  the  perfect  ease  and  composure  vnth^which  the  whole  of  these 
banks  rode  out  the  storm  of  Senatorial  and  Uniiod  States  Bank  as- 
sault, panic,  and  pressure,  upon  them  last  winter!  This  consideration 
should  save  Mr.  Van  Buren  from  the  censure  of  some  people,  if  it 
cannot  attract  their  applause.  For  the  rest,  he  is  a  real  hard  money 
man;  opposed  to  the  paper  system — in  favor  of  a  national  currency 
of  gold — in  favor  of  an  adequate  silver  currency  for  common  use— 
against  the  small  note  currency — and  in  favor  of  confining  bank 
notes  to  their  appropriate  sphere  and  original  function,  that  of  large 
notes  for  large  transactions,  and  mercantile  operations. 

Non-committal,  is  another  of  the  flippant  phrases,  got  by  rote,  and 
parroted  against  Mr.  Van  Buren.  He  never  commits  himself,  say 
these  veracious  observers!  he  never  shows  his  hand,  till  he  sees 
which  way  the  game  is  going!  Is  this  true?  Is  there  any  foundation 
for  it?  On  the  contrary,  is  it  not  contradicted  by  public  and  noto- 
rious facts?  by  the  uniform  tenor  of  his  entire  public  life  for  near  a 
quarter  of  a  century?    To  repeat  nothing  of  what  has  been  said  ot 


^ 


■r4.f 


#^ 


12 


if. 


his  opposition  to  the  first  Bank  of  the  United  States,  his  support  of 
Vice  President  Clinton  for  giving  the  casting  vote  against  the  re- 
charter  of  that  institution,  his  support  of  Governor  Tompkins,  in  the 
extraordinary  measure  of  proroguing  the  New  York  Legislature,  to 
prevent  the  metempsychosis  of  the  Bank,  and  its  revivification,  in 
the  City  of  New  York;  to  repeat  nothing  of  all  this,  and  of  his 
undaunted  and  brilliant  support  of  thie  war,  from  its  beginning  to  its 
end,  I  shall  refer  only  to  what  has  happened  in  my  own  time,  and 
under  my  own  eyes.  His  firm,  and  devoted,  support  of  Mr.  Craw- 
ford, in  the  contest  of  1824,  when  that  eminent  citizen,  prostrate 
with  disease,  and  inhumanly  assailed,  seemed  to  be  doomed  to  inev- 
itable defeat;  was  that  non-committal?  His  early  espousal  of  Gene- 
ral Jackson's  cause,  after  the  election  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, in  February,  1825,  and  his  steadfast  opposition  to  Mr.  Adams's 
administration;  was  that  non-committal?  His  prominent  stand 
against  the  Panama  Mission,  when  that  mission  was  believed  to  be 
irresistibly  popular,  and  was  pressed  upon  the  Senate  to  crush  the 
opposition  members;  was  that  also  a  wily  piece  of  non-committal 
policy?  His  declaration  against  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  in 
the  year  1826;  was  that  the  conduct  of  a  man  waiting  to  see  the 
issue  before  he  could  take  his  side?  The  removal  of  the  deposites, 
and  the  panic  scene  of  last  winter,  in  which  so  many  gave  way,  and 
«o  many  others  folded  their  arms  until  the  struggle  was  over,  while 
Mr.  Van  Buren,  both  by  his  own  conduct,  and  that  of  his  friends, 
gave  an  undaunted  support  to  that  masterly  stroke  of  the  President; 
is  this  also  to  be  called  a  non-committal  line  of  conduct,  and  the 
evidence  of  a  temper  that  sees  the  issue  before  it  decides?  The  fact 
is,  this  ridiculous  and  nonsensical  charge,  is  so  unfounded  and  absurd, 
so  easily  refuted,  and  not  only  refuted,  but  turned  to  the  honor  and 
advantage  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  that  his  friends  might  have  riiin  the  risk 
of  being  suspected  of  having  invented  it  themselves,  and  put  it  into 
circulation,  just  to  give  some  others  of  his  friends  a  brilliant  opportuni- 
ty of  emblazoning  his  merits!  were  it  not  that  the  blind  enmity  of 
his  competitors  has  put  the  accusation  upon  record,  and  enabled  his 
friends  to  exculpate  themselves,  and  to  prove  home  the  original  charge 
against  his  undisputed  opponents,  -r.  r  -  -        ,    n  ■,     u; 

For  one  thing  Mr.  Van  Buren  has  reason  to  be  thankful  to  his 
enemies;  it  is,  for  having  began  the  war  upon  him  so  soon!  There  is 
time  enough  yet  for  truth  and  justice  to  do  their  office,  and  to  dispel 


-^.- 


13 


of 

e- 

le 

to 

n 

is 

» 

d 


tvery  cloud  of  prejudice  which  the  jealouBj  of  rivals,  the  vengeance 
of  the  Bank,  and  the  ignorance  of  dupes,  has  hung  over  his  name. 
'■    Union,  harmonj,  self-denial,  concession,— every  thing  for  the 
cause,  nothing  for  men,—- should  be  the  watchword,  and  motto  of  the 

democratic  party .       <^'   .wss?;-';;.     ■■  > •;■*£-?; 7  w  ts-rvv'-;*.   !..■.. V    .•'5,>i>/t;V'«5>T'r„ 

Disconnected  from  the  election, — ^a  voter,  and  not  a  candidates- 
having  no  object  in  view  but  to  preserve  the  union  of  the  democratic 
party,  and  to  prevent  the  administration  of  the  public  affairs  from 
relapsing  into  hands  that  would  undo  every  thing;  hands  that  would 
destroy  every  limit  to  the  constitution,  by  latitudinous  constructions, 
— which  would  replunge  the  country  into  debt,  and  taxes,  by  the 
reckless,  wilful,  systematic,  ungovernable,  headlong,  stubborn, 
support  of  every  wasteful  and  extravagant  expenditure, — that  would 
re-deliver  the  country  into  the  hands  of  an  institution  which  has 
proved  the  scourge  of  the  people — ^and  which  would  instantly  revive 
the  dominion  of  paper  money,  by  arresting  the  progress  of  the  gold 
and  silver  currency:  having  no  object  in  view  but  to  prevent  these 
calamities,  I  may  be  permitted  to  say  a  word,  without  incurring  the 
imputation  of  speaking  from  interested  motives,  on  the  vital  point  of 
union  in  the  democratic  partj^. 

The  obligation  upoik  good  men  to  unite,  when  bad  men  combines, 
is  as  clear  in  politics  as  it  is  in  morals.  Fidelity  to  this  obligation 
has,  heretofore,  saved  the  republic,  and  was  never  more  indispensa- 
ble to  its  safety  than  at  the  present  moment.  The  efforts  made 
under  the  elder  Adams,  above  thirty  years  ago,  to  subvert  the  prin- 
ciples of  our  Government,  produced  a  union  of  the  productive,  and 
burthen-bearing  classes,  in  every  quarter  of  the  republic.  Planters, 
farmers,  laborers,  mechanics,  (with  a  slight  infusion  from  the  com- 
mercial and  professional  interests,)  whether  on  this  side  or  that  of 
the  Potomac,  whether  East  or  West  of  the  Alleghany  mountains, 
stood  together  upon  the  principle  of  common  right,  and  the  sense  of 
common  danger,  and  effiected  that  first  great  union  of  the  demo- 
cratic party  which  achieved  the  civil  revolution  of  1800,  arrested  the 
downward  course  of  tiie  Government,  and  turned  back  the  national 
administration  to  its  republican  principles,  and  economical  habits. 

The  sagacious  mind  of  Mr.  Jefferson  well  discerned,  in  the 
homogeneous  elements  of  which  this  united  party  was  composed,  the 
appropriate  materials  for  a  republican  Gk>vemmeBt;  and  to  the  per- 
manent conjunction  of  these  elements,  he  constantly  looked  for  tht 


"5».' 


■4    •••.-. 


■t-^' 


-'^ 


^obIj  insurmoHntable  barrier  to  the  approaches  of  oUgarchj  and 

ariatocracy.    Actuated  by  a  zeal  vrhich  has  never  been  excelled, 

,  for  the  succcBS  and  perpetuity  of  the  Democratic  cause,  he  labored 

•ssidaously  in  hishi|^  <^ce,and  subsequent  retirement,  in  his  ton- 

▼ersations,  and  letters,  to  cement,  sustain,  and  perpetuate  a  party, 

• -on  the  union  and  indivisibility  of  which  he  solely  relied  for  the 

preservation  of  our  republic.    It  was  the  political  power,  resulting 

'  from  this  ausjucious  union,  (to  say  nothing  of  several  other  occasions,) 

i  which  carried  us  safely  and  triumphantly  through  the  late  war; 

enabling  the  Government  to  withstand,  on  one  hand,  the  paralyzing 

machinations  of  a  disaffected  aristocracy,  and  to  repel  on  the  other, 

,  mo^  hostile  attacks  of  a  great  nation. 

'v  The  first  relaxation  of  the  lies  which  bound  together  the  Democ- 
cacy  of  the  North  and  South,  East  and  West,  was  followed  by  the 
restoration  to  power  of  federal  men,  and  tlie  re-appearance  in  tiie 
aibninistration  of  federal  doctrines,  and  federal  measures.  The 
.jninger  Mr.  Adams  crept  into  power  through  the  first  breach  that 
was  made  in  the  Democratic  ranks;  and  immediately  proclaimed  the 
fundamental  principles  which  lie  at  the  bottom  of  ancient  federalism, 
and  modern  whig^sm,— *'  thz  representative  not  to  be  palsied  by  the 
will  of  his  constituents;*^'^**  constitutiontU  scruples  to  be  solved  in 
practical  blessingsi^^-^two  doctrines,  one  of  which  would  leave  the 
peo|de  without  representatives,  and  the  other  would  leave  the 
Government  without  a  constitution.  The  ultra  federalism  of  this 
gentleman's  administration,  fortunately  for  the  country,  led  to  the 
re-union  of  those  homogeneous  elements,  by  the  first  union  of  which 
the  elder  Mr.  Adams  had  been  ejected  from  power;  and  this  re- 
union immediately  produced  a  second  civil  revolution  not  less  vital 
to  the  republic  than  the  first  one,  of  1800:  a  revolution  to  which  we 
-are  indebted  for  the  election  of  a  President  who  has  turned  back 
the  Gk>vemment,  so  far  u  in  his  power  lies,  to  the  principles  of  the 
constitution,  and  to  the  practice  of  economy ,'~-who  has  directed  the 
-action  of  the  Government  to  patriotic  objectsz-HUived  the  people 
'Irom  tiie  cruel  dwninioa  of  a^heartiess  moneyed  power;— ^withstood 
the  combined  assaults  of  the  Bank,  and  its  allied  Stateamen,-*^and 
'frustratcdiaoonspiraey  against  the  liberty,  and  the  ^property,  (tfthe 
ipeo^,  but  litde  less  aEtrodous  in  its  design,  and  little  less  disastroas 
i&ita  intended  effiecta,  tiiatfthat  conspiracy  from  wkichi  Cicero  dellror- 
'iid  tile  Raman  peof^t  and  forthefimsferation  of  whi^bhewas  hailadby 


»•"■■ -y™"      •-■'4- 


i^K^         >  •     .« 


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Citto,  in  the  assembled  presence  of  all  Rome,  with  the  glorious 
,  fjiqpellation  of  PtUer  fcrfrue— Father  of  hi»  Country. 

The  democracj  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  Union,  now  united* 
/Victorious,  happy,  and  secure,  under  the  atdministration  of  President 
,  Jackson;  shall  it  disband,  and  fall  to  pieces  the  instant  that  great 
man  retires?  This  is  what  federalism  hopes,  foretels,  promotes, 
intrigues,  prays,  and  pants  for.  Shall  this  be— and  through  wImmc 
jfault?  Shall  sectional  prejudices,  lust  of  power,  contention  for 
office,  (that  bane  of  freedom^)  shall  personal  preferences,  so  amiable 
in  private  life,  so  weak  in  politics;  shall  these  small  causes— these 
^liputian  tactics — ^be  suffered  to  work  the  disruption  of  th& 
democratic  union?  to  separate  the  republican  of  the  South  and  West, 
fxQxxk  his  brother  of  the  North  and  East?  and,  in  that  separation,  to 
make  a  new  opening  for  the  second  restoration  of  federalism  (under 
its  aliua  dUHua  of  whi^;ism,)  and  the  permanent  enslayement  of  the 
produeingt  nnd  burthen-bearing  classes  of  the  community? 

Bear  with  me  if  I  speak  without  disguise,  and  say,  if  these  things 
i^ppen,  it  must  be  through  the  fault  of  the  South  and  West. 
: ,    Here  are  the  facts : 

It  has  so  happened  that,  although  eyery  Southern  President  (four 
in  number)  and  the  only  Western  one  (through  his  two  terms)  ha» 
received  the  warm  support  of  Northern  Democracy,  yet  no  Nor- 
pk&m  President  has  ever  yet  received  the  siq>port  of  the  South  and 
,  ,:^We8t.  Hitherto  this  peculiar,  and  one-sided  result,  has  left  no  sting 
—created  no  heart  burnings — ^in  the  bosom  of  Northern  Democracy* 
because  it  was  the  result,  not  of  sectional  bigotry,  but  of  facts,  and 
principles.  The  administrations  of  the  two  Northern  Presidents 
were  alike  offensive  to  republicans  of  all  quarters,  and  were  put 
down  by  the  joint  voices  of  a  united  Democracy 

But  suppose  this  state  of  things  now  to  be  changed,  and  a  Democratic 
candidate  to  be  presented  from  the  North;  ought  that  candidate  to  be 
opposed  by  the  Democracy  of  the  South  and  West?  Suppose  that 
candidate  to  be  one  coming  as  near  to  the  Jeffersonian  standard  (to  say 
more  might  seem  invidious;  to  say  thftt  mfioh  is  enpu^  ^r  the  argu- 
ment,) suppose  such  a  candidate  to  be  presented;  ought  the  Demo- 
cracy of  the  South  and  West,  to  reject  him?  Could  they  do  it, 
without  showing  a  disposition  to  monopolize  the  Presidential  office? 
and  to  go  on  for  an  indefinite  succession,  after  having  already  pos- 
sessed the  office  for  forty  years,  out  of  forty>ei^t?    What  would  be 


16 

the  effect  of  such  a  stand,  taken  by  the  South  and  West,  qu  the  har 
mony  of  the  Democratic  party?  Certainly  to  destroy  it!  "What 
would  be  its  effect  on  the  harmony  of  the  States?  Certainly  to 
array  them  against  each  other!  What  would  be  its  effect  on  the 
formation  of  parties?  Certainly  to  change  it  from  the  ground  of 
principle,  to  the  ground  of  territory!  to  substitute  a  geographical 
basis,  for  the  political  basis,  on  which  parties  now  rest!  Could  these 
things  be  desirable  to  any  friend  of  popular  government;  to  any  con- 
siderate, and  reflecting  man  in  the  South,  or  West?  On  the  contra- 
ry, should  not  the  Democracy  of  the  South  and  West,  rejoice  at  an 
•opportunity  to  show  themselves  superior  to  sectional  bigotry,  devoted 
to  principle,  intent  upon  the  general  harmony,  inaccessible  to 
intrigue,  or  to  weakness;  and  ready  to  support  the  cause  of  demo- 
cracy, whether  the  representative  of  the  cause  comes  from  this,  or 
that  side,  of  a  river,  or  a  mountain? — A  Southern  and  a  Western  man 
myself,  this  is  the  state  of  my  own  feelings,  and  I  rejoice  to  see  that 
your  convention  has  acted  upon  them.  And  if,  what  I  have  here 
written  (and  which  I  could  not  hav«  written  if  I  had  accepted  the 
most  honorable  and  gratifying  nomination  of  your  c(mvention)  if  this 
letter,  too  long  for  the  occasion,  but  too  short  for  my  feelings!  if  it 
shall  contribute  to  prevent  the  disruption  of  the  republican  party, 
and  the  consequent  lo^s  of  all  the  advantages  recovered  for  the 
constitution  and  the  People,  under  the  administration  of  President 
Jackson,  then  shall  I  feel  the  consolation  of  having  done  a  better 
service  to  the  Republic  by  refusing  to  take,  than  I  can  ever  do,  by 
taking,  office. 

Hoping  then,  my  dear  sir,  that  the  nomination  of  your  Conven- 
tion may  have  its  full  effect  in  favor  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  that  it 
may  be  entirely  forgotten,  so  far  as  it  regards  myself,  except  in  the 
grateful  recollections  of  my  own  bosom, 

I  remain,  most  truly  and  sincerely  yours, 

THOMAS  H.  BENTON. 

Major  General  Davis, 

Manchester,  Mississippi. 


